The Truth about Illegal Immigration

At the end of June 2019, I wrote a report called “Illegal Immigration: A Study of its History, Effects and Controversial Topics in the United States of America” (linked here). This report was written with the belief that sound policy surrounding illegal immigration can only come from truthful discussion of the relevant issues and factors. Thus, before the Opinion section, this report aims to be the most objective look at these issues and factors and rely on information from the most truthful and objective sources. If new information from reliable sources that counters or amplifies a topic or stance is discovered, then it should be considered in conjunction with the information presented in this report. And if it’s assumed that any section other than the opinion section is written with a bias, then the stance towards which the bias is assumed should also be assumed to be the more truthful.

The points below summarize the report.

• The U.S. is a nation of immigrants and the recent descendants of immigrants. Non-white immigration may appear to some as a newer phenomenon but is the product of bans targeting non-white immigration having been lifted after World War II. (See section “Brief History of U.S. Immigration”)

Demographics of Immigrants to the U.S. 2000–2018

• The three best ways of obtaining legal residence in the U.S. are through an employer sponsorship, family sponsorship, and being granted refuge and asylum. Because these options are often either unviable or inapplicable, illegal immigration is the best (albeit imperfect) option for people wishing to reside in the U.S. (See section “Background on Legal and Illegal Immigration”)
• 84% of undocumented immigrants entered the U.S. legally through non-immigrant visas (e.g. for temporary work and tourism). They became undocumented immigrants once they overstayed their visas’ expiry date. (See section “Background on Legal and Illegal Immigration”)

• Undocumented immigrants cost the U.S. roughly $6,700/household annually in public benefits and services. While costly, this is less than half the $15,200 cost of the average household in a similar earning bracket that is made solely of legal U.S. residents. This is largely because households with undocumented immigrants are not legally able to use or fear retaliation for using the benefits and services legally and unquestionably available to legal U.S. residents. It is unclear therefore, what the public cost of households with undocumented immigrants would be if they were granted the same access to public benefits and services as households made solely of legal U.S. residents (See section “Impact on the U.S. — Public Funds”)
• Higher undocumented immigrant concentrations do not increase the levels of crime, as shown in a study of crime rates from 2007 until 2016 in 180 metropolitan areas, many of which are known for their undocumented populations. In Texas, although certain races of undocumented immigrants committed crimes at a higher rate than other races of U.S. natives, natives had crime rates roughly twice as high as undocumented immigrants, However, crime reporting within undocumented immigrant communities is questionable. There is no evidence of “no-go zones” (areas where local law enforcement is officially restricted). But, crime may be underreported because would-be reporters fear undocumented members of the community or they themselves, if they are undocumented, may be deported. (See section “Impact on the U.S. — Public Safety”)

• Undocumented workers tend to hold occupations that require little to no English-language skills and no post-secondary education. (See section “Impact on the U.S. — Employment”)
• New immigration did not lead to wage shrinkage for U.S.-born workers. However, it likely shrunk the wages of those who had previously immigrated to the U.S. It’s also unclear what effects DACA will have on wages — while those protected under DACA have participated more in the U.S. economy by seeing their wages rise, this increase may also put them more in competition with U.S.-born workers. (See sections “Impact on the U.S. — Employment” and “Current Controversial Topics — DACA”)
• The most popular spots for apprehensions at the U.S.-Mexico border are at sectors with existing border barriers. There is no reliable data indicating border barriers prevent crime, especially in cities along the border. They may, however, influence the routes various parties of hopeful immigrants, especially families, take to the border. (See section “Current Controversial Topics — Border Wall”)

Crime Rate in El Paso vs. 40 Jurisdictions with Comparable Populations (many jurisdictions are far from the U.S.-Mexico border; the gray bar indicates the years during which El Paso’s border barrier was being built

• U.S. actions in Central America over the past 130 years, especially during the latter half of the 20th century, contributed significantly to the factors that Guatemalan, Honduran, Salvadoran and Nicaraguan migrants in the caravans cite in their decision to migrate north. However, factors that do not directly involve the U.S., such as climate and Soviet influence, also contributed significantly. (See section “Current Controversial Topics — Migrant Caravans, Catch-and-Release, and Family Separation”)
• The number of migrants apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border in May 2019 is over three times the average number apprehended in the Mays of the previous five years, partially explaining the lack of resources and infrastructure in processing. (See sections “Current Controversial Topics — Border Wall” and “Current Controversial Topics — Migrant Caravans, Catch-and-Release, and Family Separation”)

Current Network of Barriers along the U.S.-Mexico Land Border

• The policies surrounding family separation have led to children being misclassified as unaccompanied minors, detained by organizations that profit directly/indirectly from detainment length, subjected to mentally and physically harmful environments and practices, and unable to be reunited with their families. There are no effects purported as benefits of the policy beyond a decrease in border apprehensions, and that claim itself does not have consistent proof. (See section “Current Controversial Topics — Migrant Caravans, Catch-and-Release, and Family Separation”)
• Cities and counties with policies that involve limited to no compliance with immigration law enforcement (i.e. sanctuary cities) account for 70% of the U.S. population. The states that hold these cities and counties also hold 73% of the U.S.’s undocumented population. However, it is unclear what percent of this undocumented population resides in or near these cities and counties and, therefore, it is unclear how much governance of and experience with undocumented populations informed U.S. cities and counties in general to have or not have sanctuary-city policies. (See section “Current Controversial Topics — Sanctuary Cities”)